Foreign Policy Blogs

India's Baloch dilemma

A lot is being said in the Indian media about the inclusion of Balochistan in the India-Pakistan joint statement at Sharm el-Sheikh. [ link, link] Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is accused of giving Pakistan the upper hand by making Balochistan a bilateral problem, instead of the internal problem that it is. The Pakistani Prime Minister’s allegations of Indian involvement in Balochistan, a day after the statement are seen as proof of Singh’s diplomatic faux pas.

The Balochistan province is strategically located to the south-west of Pakistan with a long coast (750 km) along the Arabian Sea, and land borders with Iran and Afghanistan. With huge reserves of natural gas and copper the region is of great economic importance to Pakistan. The country also conducted its nuclear tests in the Chagai Hills in Balochistan. However, the Pakistani government has failed to provide for the people of this region resulting in a strong movement demanding greater Baloch autonomy and even independence from Pakistan. The leaders of Balochistan want greater autonomy and ownership over the resources of the region. The Pakistani army has been used time and again to crush the rebels who are alleged to be helped by Afghanistan and India.  The development of the Gwadar port is seen by them as a plot to change the demographics of the region to the detriment of the Balochs. They believe that the plan will not bring prosperity to the region as all taxes and tariffs will be usurped by the federal government.

Though Pakistan continues to accuse India of assisting the Balochs, India has always maintained that it does not assist the Baloch rebels in any form. The Baloch leaders have also denied any foreign assistance and they take pride in being an indigenous rebellion. Historically, Balochistan has been an independent region, even when the British ruled the subcontinent. India could have, but did not help the Balochs secede from Pakistan during their biggest rebellion in 1973 that came immediately after Bangladesh’s independence from Pakistan in 1971. Bangladesh received direct assistance from India to separate from Pakistan.

Given the strategic importance of Balochistan it could be argued that Indian interests would be better served by a friend in the region. Chinese presence in the region through the development of the Gwadar port is a matter of concern for India. With the close relationship between Pakistan and China, it is possible that the Chinese are looking at Gwadar as a way to develop a base and increase maritime importance in the Persian Gulf. It could also be a good listening post for the Chinese.

Maybe such concern over Chinese presence in the region prompted Singh to agree to its mention in the Sharm el-Sheikh joint statement. It could help divert world attention away from Kashmir and towards Balochistan, thereby helping to keep a check on Chinese activities there. (An increased Chinese presence is also not conducive to US interests in the region.) If India is as innocent of involvement in Balochistan as it claims to be, it might just be what it needs to expose the falseness of Pakistani allegations. It could have spillover effects for the Kashmir dialogue too. Bringing the Baloch issue to the forefront might even help the Baloch cause as the lack of development and violent repression by the Pakistani army is exposed for the world to see.

It might not be wise to suggest that India begin interfering in the region for strategic purposes. However, the possibility of Indian involvement in an economically and strategically important region for Pakistan could be used as leverage to force Pakistan to stop terrorist activities in Kashmir and other parts of India. Maybe Singh is a shrewder diplomat than the Indian talking heads give him credit for.

 

Author

Manasi Kakatkar-Kulkarni

Manasi Kakatkar-Kulkarni graduated from the University of Maryland’s School of Public Policy. She received her degree in International Security and Economic Policy and interned with the Arms Control Association, Washington, D.C. She is particularly interested in matters of international arms control, nuclear non-proliferation and India’s relations with its neighbors across Asia. She currently works with the US India Political Action Committee (USINPAC).