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Inaccurate Democrat-Israel Rift Detrimental To All Parties


Democrats are apparently panicking, well, at least according to several news outlets who are using this week’s congressional race as a barometer of President Obama’s popularity among Jews and the pro-Israel community.

In a special election held this week to replace ousted Rep. Anthony Weiner (D-NY) in a heavily Jewish neighborhood, Democrats lost the seat for the first time in decades, spurring pundits to peg the results as a referendum on Obama and the Democrats’ Israel policies.

The arguments, loosely explained, blame Obama for backing a two-state solution based loosely on 1967 lines, where the bulk of the Gaza Strip and West Bank would become a Palestinian state and the status of Jerusalem would be determined at a later date.

Further, Obama critics site his failure to defend Israel at the United Nations while engaging in some of the body’s most anti-Israel and biased activities, such as the Human Rights Council, which has repeatedly chastised Israel while turning a blind eye to atrocities around the world.

Advertising campaigns in New York trumpeted these ideas, allegedly scaring Jews away from Democrats and to Republicans, many of whom are very devout Christians who support Israel based on the premise that Jesus can only return so long as Jews control the Holy Land.

This fear mongering of Jewish attrition in the Democratic party and that Obama represents all that is anti-Israel misses key facts that paint quite a different picture. In reality, Obama has continued previous administration policies, defended Israel to outside entities and pushed policies that are in Israel’s best long-term interest, as the status quo of incessant rocket fire from Gaza and the lack of Palestinian sovereignty is unsustainable.

A  major criticism of Obama hinges on his declaration for peace process negotiations to commence based off of — but not identical to — 1967 lines. Obama has called for those lines to serve as the foundation of a Palestinian state, with accommodations made for land swaps and Jerusalem’s status determined in final talks. In reality, 1967 lines have been the foundation for peace process negotiations for decades and Obama’s statements brought nothing new to the discourse. In fact, Obama articulated his policy on a Thursday at the State Department, drawing boos from the pro-Israel lobby before he reaffirmed that exact same policy three days later, except the second time eliciting applause from participants at the American Israel Public Affairs Committee annual conference. When a policy effectively doesn’t change the status quo and garners applause from the Israel lobby at some point, it by no means can be deemed as anti-Israel.

Obama has also been chastised for failing to defend Israel at the United Nations and sending envoys to various U.N. activities that have been dubbed anti-Israel. Obama has sought to reform these bodies from the inside, instead of giving anti-Israel (and anti-Semitic) hypocrites a free pass on a major international stage.

Further,  under Obama’s direction, American diplomats at the U.N have come out time and time again in support of Israel, most vocally be vetoing a Security Council resolution to decry Israeli settlements in the West Bank. Without the United States, that resolution would have sailed through, and brought intense pressure on Israel to not only cease settlement construction but also uproot hundreds of thousands of Israelis from their West Bank enclaves.

Even now, the Obama administration has launched an intricate lobby campaign against Palestinian attempts to unilaterally declare statehood later this month. While the Palestinian effort will undoubtedly fail at some point,  strong support for the Palestinians is likely to cast a rather unpleasant pall over Israel’s West Bank policies and provide the Palestinians with increased fodder in peace negotiations. The Obama administration has attempted to thwart a vote, with congressional Democrats — including minority leader Rep. Nancy Pelosi (CA) — sending a letter to heads of state urging them to oppose the Palestinian declaration.

Aside from sticking its neck out for Israel at the United Nations, the Obama administration has also used its diplomatic weight to pressure Israel’s neighbor’s, resulting in the new Egyptian regime to defend the Israeli embassy against protesters who stormed the facility earlier this month. That Obama administration lobbying was even pegged as “leadership of historical dimensions” by former Director of the Israeli Mossad Efraim Halevy.

Along with involvement in Egypt, the Obama administration has ramped up sanctions on Iran, which supplies weapons to terror groups targeting Israel and could be developing a nuclear program to wipe the Jewish state off the map. Democrats have pressed for reforms in Syria, where weapons from Iran ran freely to Hezbollah in Lebanon. While the Middle East is by no means stable and the security dynamic could change in the event anti-Israel terror groups seize power, the Obama administration and Democrats have thus far has backed Israel during this Arab Spring, with no signs of relenting that position if anti-Israel groups do take permanent control.

The cognitive dissonance on Obama and the Democrats’ position is clear and any flight of the pro-Israel community from Democrats would simply not be ingrained in reality. Democrats are instead taking strong positions to both support Israel from its enemies and attempt to shepherd a peace process through increasingly hostile negotiations.

In fact, the declaration that support for Israel is either a Democratic or Republican position is actually counterproductive for Israel, which has thrived by galvanizing bipartisan support. The annual AIPAC conference highlights that bipartisanship, where hundreds of lawmakers from both parties express their unshakable support for Israel. The shared values and interests of the United States and Israel —  including opposition to terrorism and support of democracy — are  neither Democratic nor Republican ideals and instead are intrinsic to Americans regardless of political affiliation.

Support for Israel is, has been and should be a nonpartisan issue, with any contention to the contrary hindering both parties’ pro-Israel efforts. Attempts to change that dynamic for mere partisan purposes and winning the next election are simply counterproductive to the ultimate aim — a safe, secure and thriving Israel.

Efraim Halevy’s Comments on Egypt from Israel Policy Forum on Vimeo.

 
  • P. Ami

    Sorry, but this article is straw man tactic.

    The real problem with Obama, regarding Israel, (articulated by Dan Senor in the Wall Street Journal) is the following.

    —————
    • February 2008: When running for president, then-Sen. Obama told an audience in Cleveland: “There is a strain within the pro-Israel community that says unless you adopt an unwavering pro-Likud approach to Israel that you’re anti-Israel.” Likud had been out of power for two years when Mr. Obama made this statement. At the time the country was being led by the centrist Kadima government of Ehud Olmert, Tzipi Livni and Shimon Peres, and Prime Minister Olmert had been pursuing an unprecedented territorial compromise. As for Likud governments, it was under Likud that Israel made its largest territorial compromises—withdrawals from Sinai and Gaza.

    • July 2009: Mr. Obama hosted American Jewish leaders at the White House, reportedly telling them that he sought to put “daylight” between America and Israel. “For eight years”—during the Bush administration—”there was no light between the United States and Israel, and nothing got accomplished,” he declared.

    Nothing? Prime Minister Ariel Sharon uprooted thousands of settlers from their homes in Gaza and the northern West Bank and deployed the Israeli army to forcibly relocate their fellow citizens. Mr. Sharon then resigned from the Likud Party to build a majority party based on a two-state consensus.

    In the same meeting with Jewish leaders, Mr. Obama told the group that Israel would need “to engage in serious self-reflection.” This statement stunned the Americans in attendance: Israeli society is many things, but lacking in self-reflection isn’t one of them. It’s impossible to envision the president delivering a similar lecture to Muslim leaders.

    • September 2009: In his first address to the U.N. General Assembly, President Obama devoted five paragraphs to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, during which he declared (to loud applause) that “America does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements.” He went on to draw a connection between rocket attacks on Israeli civilians with living conditions in Gaza. There was not a single unconditional criticism of Palestinian terrorism.

    • March 2010: During Vice President Joe Biden’s visit to Israel, a Jerusalem municipal office announced plans for new construction in a part of Jerusalem. The president launched an unprecedented weeks-long offensive against Israel. Mr. Biden very publicly departed Israel.

    Secretary of State Hillary Clinton berated Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on a now-infamous 45-minute phone call, telling him that Israel had “harmed the bilateral relationship.” (The State Department triumphantly shared details of the call with the press.) The Israeli ambassador was dressed-down at the State Department, Mr. Obama’s Middle East envoy canceled his trip to Israel, and the U.S. joined the European condemnation of Israel.

    Moments after Mr. Biden concluded his visit to the West Bank, the Palestinian Authority held a ceremony to honor Dalal Mughrabi, who led one of the deadliest Palestinian terror attacks in history: the so-called Coastal Road Massacre that killed 38, including 13 children and an American. The Obama administration was silent. But that same day, on ABC, Mr. Axelrod called Israel’s planned construction of apartments in its own capital an “insult” and an “affront” to the United States. Press Secretary Robert Gibbs went on Fox News to accuse Mr. Netanyahu of “weakening trust” between the two countries.

    Ten days later, Mr. Netanyahu traveled to Washington to mend fences but was snubbed at a White House meeting with President Obama—no photo op, no joint statement, and he was sent out through a side door.

    • April 2010: Mr. Netanyahu pulled out of the Obama-sponsored Washington summit on nuclear proliferation after it became clear that Turkey and Egypt intended to use the occasion to condemn the Israeli nuclear program, and Mr. Obama would not intervene.

    • March 2011: Mr. Obama returned to his habit of urging Israelis to engage in self-reflection, inviting Jewish community leaders to the White House and instructing them to “search your souls” about Israel’s dedication to peace.

    • May 2011: The State Department issued a press release declaring that the department’s No. 2 official, James Steinberg, would be visiting “Israel, Jerusalem, and the West Bank.” In other words, Jerusalem is not part of Israel. Later in the month, only hours before Mr. Netanyahu departed from Israel to Washington, Mr. Obama delivered his Arab Spring speech, which focused on a demand that Israel return to its indefensible pre-1967 borders with land swaps.

  • Tayyip

    “pushed policies that are in Israel’s best long-term interest”

    You just defended democrats and Obama by using an argument which is used by them constantly. Care to elaborate what policies are in Israel’s long term interest?

    The whole narrative here is skewed. You assume that Israel will be better off it leaves WB and returns to 67 lines. What is this based on? Are you in possession of a crystal ball?

    An honest historian would look to history and draw very different conclusions.

Author

Ben Moscovitch
Ben Moscovitch

Ben Moscovitch is a Washington D.C.-based political reporter and has covered Congress, homeland security, and health care. He completed an intensive two-year Master's in Middle Eastern History program at Tel Aviv University, where he wrote his thesis on the roots of Palestinian democratic reforms. Ben graduated from Georgetown University with a BA in English Literature. He currently resides in Washington, D.C. Twitter follow: @benmoscovitch

Areas of Focus:
Middle East; Israel-Palestine; Politics

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