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Many Sides of Russian March

Many Sides of Russian March Another Russian March Rally commemorated the recent National Unity Day in Russia. The celebration of accord and reconciliation succeeded former Soviet holiday dedicated to the Great Russian Revolution. The new holiday introduces a tradition of Russian nationalist rally, so called, Russian March, exciting for some, but precarious for others. This year the March gathered between five and seven thousand people, including far-right nationalists, neo-Nazis and Eurasians, chanting anti-government and anti-immigration slogans.

The views on the Russian March, its meaning and consequences, remain split. Some emphasize the opportunities for expressing disagreement in public over current political and social policies, and also raising important questions concerning the Caucasus. Others point out at the troubling signs of xenophobia and ultranationalism, and the rising number of hate crimes in Russia over the last decade. But everyone agrees on the fact that the event attracted diverse crowd with various agendas, as evident from their polarized slogans and speeches.

One could sense general anti-government attitude at the March in chanting against the ‘party of crooks and thieves.’ But there were more nuances to that among young people raising hands in Nazi saluting and crowd cheering ‘Russia for Russians.’ Russian March brought in members of the Movement Against Illegal Immigration and also Eurasian Union Youth that supports Russian unification in the face of ‘Atlanticist threat’. The participants of visa regime with Central Asia, the rights of Russian citizens living in the former USSR republics, and criticized generous financing of Caucasus ‘Sharia Army.’

This non-uniformed movement stems from deep and long-sustained dissatisfaction with current situation, both, political and social, but it is also the result of governmental anti-terrorist policies and propaganda that shaped population perceptions of foreign evil. The official discourse on necessary security measures does not address public fears and insecurity feelings brought on by terrorist attacks, bombing and hostage taking. State media remain largely silent on the issue of North Caucasus, while unresolved problems foster mournful attitudes and ethnic prejudice.

Russian March has also revived discussion on nationalism and reignited concerns over slipping into xenophobia and perpetuating ethnic hatred. However, nationalism is a neutral concept irrelevant to good or bad, but is rather what one makes out of it. Nationalism could be used to strengthen and protect the nation, but it can also breed hatred and chaos. Furthermore, going to the March would not define one’s actions as being virtuous or evil, it is the question of why one goes there and with what intentions, that would do that. United Russia does not necessarily mean the exclusion of non-Slavic people. Nevertheless, nationalist discourse can carry the risks of perpetrating xenophobic attitudes.

Russian March gathered diverse groups and views, in part, radically different and marginalized, and not included in official discourse. Some of these groups do not act against ethnic groups, but more against usurpation of the power, and they seek to protect the rights of the Russian citizens. However, with all possible positive potential it could have, the Russian march also provides clear evidence of long-existed interethnic tensions in Russia.

 

Author

Ania Viver

Ania Viver is an editorial/research assistant at WorldAffairsJournal.org. She recently graduated with a masters degree from the John C. Whitehead School of Diplomacy and International Relations at Seton Hall, where she focused on Foreign Policy and the South Caucasus region. Prior to moving to the US from her native Russia, Ania worked for six years as a trilingual assistant to the regional coordinator on international programs.