People watch a convoy of French troops driving between Grimari and Bambari in the Central African Republic on April 16, 2014 (AFP Photo/Miguel Medina)
Is the crisis in the Central African Republic a “clash of civilizations”?
A recent report entitled “Behind the Headlines: Drivers of Violence in the Central African Republic” from Enough, a Washington-based project of the Center for American Progress whose goal is to end genocide and crimes against humanity, is particularly revealing. Comments by the author of the report, Kasper Agger, tend to support the thesis that the conflict in CAR is primarily driven by economic, not cultural factors. Agger concedes that some of the Séléka forces do include Muslims, and that foreign fighters from largely Muslim Chad and Sudan — some of whom were members of the Sudanese government-supported Janjaweed militia — are fighting with Séléka, but that their overriding motive is:
united less by religion than grievances against then-President Bozizé and the promise of opportunity for personal enrichment through looting. Similarly, the Anti-Balaka groups are neither united nor motivated by religion. They formed to protect civilians against Séléka abusers but then imitated their gruesome actions by killing almost exclusively Muslims—who they perceive as Séléka collaborators— and looting property. They too are motivated by revenge and the promise of economic gains.
Agger sees the conflict in CAR as a small part of a much broader regional (and international) “conflict system” involving multiple countries using mercenaries to control the natural resources of Central Africa.
Local religious leaders also seek to downplay the interreligious conflict now underway. In March, a delegation comprised of top Christian and Muslim leaders from Central African Republic travelled to the United States. During their visit, they issued a joint statement:
We however reject the idea that this is a religious conflict. We, Muslims and Christians, grew up in peace. As children, we played together with the toys received at Christmas; we shared feasts of lamb at every Eid celebration. We went to the same schools, we learned and played together. Muslim, Christian, animist – we didn’t know the difference. As we celebrated each others’ customs, we embraced diversity. This richness was the foundation of our society. It was in the past and it could be again in the future.
People have used religion as a pretext, a cover for their ambitions of power, but never has an Imam, a Bishop or a Pastor led the fighting or justified the killing.
One of those people accused of using religion as a cover for a power grab is Chadian President Idriss Deby Itno, considered by some to be the mastermind behind the Séléka rebellion and regarded by many as the perennial kingmaker in the Central African Republic. Some 15,000 Chadians make their home in CAR, and Muslim northerners are often referred to also as Chadians. Chadian troops of the 3,700-strong MISCA have also been accused by African commanders of following their own agenda, including handing out armbands to Séléka fighters from the African force to help them evade disarmament efforts.
If the crisis in the Central African Republic really has more to do with economic factors than with religion, then the solutions need to be focused on stopping the flow of funds fueling the conflict. Some of those perceived to have benefitted from either creating or furthering the crisis have in recent days been identified, and new sanctions mean their assets will be frozen and they will be banned from travel. U.S. President Barack Obama imposed sanctions against the former Central African Republic leaders Francois Bozize and Michel Djotodia, the leader of the Anti-Balaka militia, Levy Yakete; the Séléka militia’s number two Nourredine Adam; and Abdoulaye Miskine, also of the Séléka. Obama’s move follows similar sanctions announced days earlier by the United Nations Security Council against Bozize, Yakete and Adam. Bozize is accused by the U.N. of providing material and financial support to Anti-Balaka and former army officers working to destabilize the ongoing transition and bring him back to power. Yakete is accused of ordering the arrest of people with ties to the Séléka and of organized the distribution of machetes to young, unemployed Christians to attack Muslims. Adam, who headed the intelligence services under the new regime, was accused of arbitrary arrests, torture and summary executions. Adam is also alleged to have travelled to Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates to collect funds for the former rebellion — without Noureddine Adam’s involvement, the U.N. says Séléka would likely have been unable to wrest power from François Bozizé. Adam is also accused by the U.N. of operating as the local facilitator for a Chadian diamond-trafficking ring.
While sanctions on the key players is a start, it is imperative to find and prosecute those responsible for the violence. The Enough Project suggests the involvement of the U.N.-appointed Commission of Inquiry on CAR and the U.N. Panel of Experts on CAR — the former to carry out investigations concerning humanitarian crimes associated with looting and pillage, including sexual violence, and the latter to investigate and document economic criminal activity and illicit trade. The International Criminal Court, or ICC, could then be called upon to prosecute those involved.
Again and again, the Enough Project attempts to lay the focus on the economic resources of the Central African Republic. There exists an underdeveloped border region between Chad, CAR and Sudan, which has been a long-term source of instability. Complicating matters are the two oil basins which extend into both Chad and CAR, with no oil sharing agreement signed between the two countries. These porous borders have allowed rebel groups, smuggling syndicates, and mercenary networks to operate with impunity — steps need to be taken to secure the resources of CAR for the people and prevent meddling in each other’s sovereign affairs.
The Enough Project also calls for the bottom-up approach to reconciliation — to include the voices of civil society actors, including women, traditional leaders, religious figures, youth, as well as armed groups. Yet until those responsible for the bloodshed are weeded out, it will be extremely difficult to take a bottom-up approach with armed groups, many of which lack a central command. Some armed groups will try to strengthen their positions in advance of talks, others will splinter off and refuse to negotiate. Unfortunately, without a strong, disciplined military in CAR, and with insufficient international peacekeepers on the ground, the innocent victims of this resource grab may have to continue to suffer until September, when all hope will be placed in the hands of the 10,000-strong MINUSCA to weed out and arrest the armed groups currently undermining the peace process. Until then, efforts at reconciliation will likely have to wait.
