The House Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific, and Global Environment held a hearing yesterday on US-Japan Relations. The subcommittee brought together a panel of experts (half in government, half think tankers) to discuss the current state of the Alliance and the best possible ways to strengthen ties.
I found it surprisingly difficult to locate major ideas in the testimony offered that aren’t hackneyed statements about US-Japan relations. But I’ve done my best to extract what I think are the more interesting, provocative soundbytes. Time doesn’t permit me to parse rhetoric here, so I’ll leave that to you, dear reader.
(Click on the speakers’ name to access their entire testimony.)
Michael Auslin, American Enterprise Institute
“the Futenma issue has been folded into larger questions about Mr. Hatoyama’s foreign policy, thus raising doubts about the DPJ’s commitment to maintaining the U.S.-Japan relationship as the most important one for both countries in the Pacific region. Hence the attempts to understand whether Prime Minister Hatoyama’s repeated calls for a more “equal” alliance with Washington mean more “independent”; such equality probably looks different depending on whether one is in Foggy Bottom or the Pentagon, let alone in Tokyo or Washington.”
“Much of the change in Tokyo that concerns U.S. policymakers stems from the DPJ’s desire to do business differently than its predecessor. I would suggest, however, that in many ways, the Hatoyama Administration is following paths trod by recent LDP governments. While it is true that decisions are being made by a smaller circle of DPJ officials around Prime Minister Hatoyama, that continues a trend set by former premier Junichiro Koizumi last decade.”
Sheila Smith, Council on Foreign Relations
This party believes strongly in protecting the spirit of Japan’s postwar constitutional ban on the use of force for the settlement of international disputes, and has a clear disarmament and nonproliferation agenda.
“If we are to succeed in getting Asia right in our diplomacy, we cannot afford to be oblivious to the changes underway in the society that we ought to know best. We must understand how the rapidly growing influence of China is affecting regional security perceptions, and we must move carefully with Tokyo in mitigating the effects of North Korean belligerency.”
“Much of what is lost in the current conversation over our political relationship is the generational change that is so obvious in both our countries. A new generation of Japanese is coming into positions of leadership in Japan, a generation that has a different understanding both of the past and of the current relationship with the United States. There is a new opportunity here…”
Joseph R. Donovan, Jr., Deputy Assistant Sec. of States for East Asia
“In the 14 years since the Clinton-Hashimoto Joint Security declaration, the relationship has grown stronger even as it has evolved. The United States and Japan have worked together to update our alliance, through efforts ranging from the force posture realignment to the review of roles, missions, and capabilities. The alliance has grown in scope, with cooperation on everything from missile defense to information security.”
“We are also pressing Japan to establish a level playing field between Japan Post and private companies in the insurance, banking, and express delivery sectors, in accordance with Japan’s international obligations. In its policies and public statements, Japan should create and maintain a climate that welcomes foreign investment.”
Michael Schiffer, Deputy Assistant Sec. of Defense for East Asia
“One important aspect of extended deterrence includes maintaining a “credible” security presence in Japan and
the region. With regard to a non-nuclear country like Japan, respecting this policy while still providing for credible extended deterrence for Japan and the region means the ability to maintain our “neither confirm nor deny” policy.”
“The only readily deployable U.S. ground forces between Hawaii and India are the U.S. Marines located on Okinawa. And the Marines serve a much broader purpose in the region beyond merely deterring conflict and fighting in contingencies. III MEF forces led U.S. humanitarian assistance efforts in Indonesia, Bangladesh, and Burma – often in close coordination with their counterparts in Japan’s Self-Defense Forces. Given that hours matter following a natural disaster, the presence of the U.S. Marines in Okinawa is critical for ensuring a timely response with capabilities no one else can bring to bear.”
“All this talk of figures might suggest that Host Nation Support (HNS) is simply a type of security commodity that Japan pays for on behalf of the U.S. This is not the case. HNS is a mutual investment in our commitment to regional stability. Japan provides financial and logistical support. The U.S. provides resource and manpower capabilities. Each side compliments each other and creates a robust alliance capacity under HNS.”