Rebalancing the roles of Defense and State is indeed a worthy goal. However, it will require additional funding at State, delivering better support for Foreign Service Officers in the public diplomacy cone and finding ways in which to finally fully integrate public diplomacy into the overall work of the State Department (in ways that has not yet happened since the unwise closing of USIA in the late 1990s). The report details the current challenges at State (including the imbalance of resources) but truly fixing them is another matter. Is there support on Capitol Hill?
I am not convinced that a small, non-for-profit can address the gaps in U.S. global engagement. Adding yet another such entity in the D.C. landscape might only serve to distract from the role that I note above for State and public diplomacy. It is an idea that has been circulating inside the Beltway for a while and I remain at least mildly skeptical to fix a governmental problem (especially one of capacity and focus) by creating a new entity has a long history in Washington – and the results are mixed, at best.
I agree wholeheartedly about the role that the NSC must play – that of coordinator, strategy setter and direct staff for the president. The mission creep at NSC has been underway for decades and that temptation is always there for any president. One need only look at the failure of the NSC to play that role during George W. Bush’s first term to understand why coordination is needed. And many examples exist of running operations out of the NSC, some notorious and some just inefficient.
The authors were certainly prescient in naming both Turkey and Brazil as countries that require extra attention. The recent deal that those two countries struck with Iran on the nuclear issue presented the Obama administration with both opportunities and challenges.
The authors tackle the definitions of some terms that they rightly note have become “tarnished and loaded” – “public diplomacy,” “public affairs” and “strategic communications.” They propose a master concept captured by “strategic public engagement.” This report is not the first time the phrase has been proposed. The rationale for using it makes sense but as with every new term it remains to be seen if it will be adopted consistently and accurately enough to be useful as a quick reference easily understood by practitioners and scholars alike.
One important component of what I see as part of strategic public engagement gets very little attention in the report: educational and cultural affairs. It is mentioned in passing and appears on a couple of lists and charts in the report, but it should be seen as a key tool in the engagement toolbox. TheBureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs at State has never fully been integrated and supported after the demise of USIA. The programs it supports and runs constitute an important part of how the US engages students, faculty, professionals and public officials from around the world. Fulbright, Humphrey and Muskie fellowships -as well as the International Visitors Leadership Program – are good examples of ECA’s ongoing work. USAID also works in building university partnerships via the outstanding work of Higher Education for Developmentand Defense has fellowship programs that send US students overseas like theBoren National Security Education Program. The benefits of these long-term engagement tools, that as exchanges/partnerships embody the essence of engagement, should be better understood and utilized in foreign policy circles.
The report is filled with insights that are appropriately aimed at taking a deep breath and looking to the medium and long term. I am especially glad to see sentences like “[t]he imperative to listen and engage with foreign publics does not mean that foreign opinion should drive American foreign policy” and “[t]he effects of strategic public engagement will rarely be felt in a single, dramatic outcome.”
On pages 23-25 there is a nice review of the Obama administration’s approach to democracy and human rights as reflected in its strategic public engagement, much of which is driven by seeking to avoid the mistakes of the previous administration. The authors say:
This certainly tracks with my own experience in implementing democracy and governance projects in the Middle East (and other places) throughout most of this decade. It was clear that there was in inverse relationship between the success of the projects and the U.S. foreign policy rhetoric about “promoting democracy.” This issue also underscores the need to have USAID and development issues included in strategic public engagement. The ongoing dialogue spurred by the QDDR addresses that to some degree, but the cultural (in Washington, that is) and bureaucratic barriers to including development will be difficult to surmount.
Whatever disagreements or different emphases I might have on the above issues, they are minor. This is an excellent report and should be required reading for anyone interested and/or involved in strategic public engagement.
Author
James Ketterer
James Ketterer is Dean of International Studies at Bard College and Director of the Bard Globalization and International Affairs program. He previously served as Egypt Country Director for AMIDEAST, based in Cairo and before that as Vice Chancellor for Policy & Planning and Deputy Provost at the State University of New York (SUNY). In 2007-2008 he served on the staff of the Governor’s Commission on Higher Education. He previously served as Director of the SUNY Center for International Development.
Ketterer has extensive experience in technical assistance for democratization projects, international education, legislative development, elections, and policy analysis – with a focus on Africa and the Middle East. He has won and overseen projects funded by USAID, the Department for International Development (UK), the World Bank and the US State Department. He served on the National Security Council staff at the White House, as a policy analyst at the New York State Senate, a project officer with the Center for Legislative Development at the University at Albany, and as an international election specialist for the United Nations, the African-American Institute, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. He is currently a Fellow at the Foreign Policy Association and has also held teaching positions in international politics at the New School for Social Research, Bard College, State University of New York at New Paltz, the University at Albany, Russell Sage College, and the College of Saint Rose.
Ketterer has lectured and written extensively on various issues for publications including the Washington Post, Middle East Report, the Washington Times, the Albany Times Union, and the Journal of Legislative Studies. He was a Boren National Security Educational Program Fellow at Johns Hopkins University and in Morocco, an International Graduate Rotary Scholar at the Bourguiba School of Languages in Tunisia, and studied Arabic at the King Fahd Advanced School of Translation in Morocco. He received his education at Johns Hopkins University, New York University and Fordham University.
Areas of focus: Public Diplomacy; Middle East; Africa; US Foreign Policy