Foreign Policy Blogs

Governing Division

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In every recent Israeli election, complaints abound that there is  no qualified leader worthy of people’s votes and there is only one candidate that is barely good enough. Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu was the most recent good enough candidate for the right, while the left split their votes between then-Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni and Defense Minister Ehud Barak.

While likely years away from a national race, one Israeli politician is showing some leadership and revamping government in the nation’s capital, but he is still ingrained in a long-standing position on Jerusalem that might not mesh with future peace deals.

I recently attended a dinner (hosted by the Israel Project) with Jerusalem Mayor Nir Barkat, where he described his short- and long-term goals for the city, which include boosting tourism to 10 million people per year. That increase would create tens of thousands of jobs and spike tourism by five times the level it was in 2008 when Barkat took the reins of city government.

What’s certain is that Barkat — whose background is in the high-tech industry — is clearly driven and talented. But, the outcome of his 10 million tourists initiative, efforts to integrate the city and fight corruption remain unclear. The success of those programs could transform Jerusalem, the career of a relatively young mayor and viability of a unified — or split — city in future peace talks.

In 2008, Barkat said he supports a unified Jerusalem, even though a core tenet of the Palestinian peace talks platform involves establishing half the city as their capital.

And now that Barkat has two years experience governing a physically united but ideologically divided city, his ardor for a unified Jerusalem is as strong as ever. He unequivocally repeated that no city has ever successfully thrived divided and that Jerusalem has never provided open access to holy sites for all three major religions. He said dividing the city is like “having a Trojan horse in the middle of Jerusalem” and insisted that “we know that a split city doesn’t work.”

Barkat said he has, though, learned that in order to build unity in the city, he must reach out to local leader. He has established councils, albeit with no statutory authority, in over two dozen neighborhoods, thereby representing the city’s very diverse population. By leveraging the support and involvement of local leaders, perhaps the city could strive toward common goals that transcend religion — such as an enhanced fiscal outlook.

The success of this effort hinges on the receptiveness of Jerusalem’s Muslim residents to participate in the councils and productively contribute. Mere participation still leaves the door open for obstruction and opposition, as has been the case during overall peace talks that have been stymied by reluctance to compromise on both sides. Moreover, Jerusalem’s Muslim population has largely opposed government involvement and does not vote in many elections.

Further, Barkat has launched an initiative to keep students in the city and occupy apartments owned by foreigners. European Jews — and particularly the French — often buy apartments in Israel as summer homes and residences for the holidays. The apartments are then left unattended for the majority of the year and local businesses lack clientele. Therefore, these “ghost neighborhoods” drain commerce and local revenues, while also artificially inflating real estate prices.

In order to hit the proverbial two birds with one policy stone, Barkat has begun educating the foreign residents and proposed the apartments be rented to the students, the bulk of which are home for the holidays and during the summer.

Similarly, Barkat is also developing a massive new business district near the central bus station, enabling firms to leave office space that can then be converted into residential property and further entice students and less-wealthy individuals to purchase apartments in the city.

The impact of these residential enhancement programs will hinge on Barkat’s ability to convince residents that Jerusalem’s transformation from one of the poorest cities in the country to a thriving metropolis relies on their willingness to consider local needs, such as ensuring that businesses have clientele year-round.

Lastly, the city has been plagued by corruption scandals emanating from the mayor’s office. Former Mayor and future Prime Minister Ehud Olmert has been embroiled in a corruption probe over bribes for major development projects. Similarly, Uri Lupolianski, who served as mayor directly after Olmert, is facing the same corruption investigation.

In order to reset the city’s culture, Barkat is symbolically earning only a shekel as his salary and trying to lead by example. In response to a comment that New York Mayor Bloomberg also only takes a dollar as his yearly stipend, Barkat counters that he, though, takes only a quarter of that, referencing the dollar-shekel exchange rate.

He is also stripping the Jerusalem council of some of its influence and elevating the authority of professional staff. In this sense, Barkat is consolidating power and could put his priorities and initiatives ahead of the council’s. If Barkat’s staff does not fall victim to city’s previous corruption tendencies, then this strategy could ostracize corruption-prone council members. Or, it could have the unintended impact of alienating local leaders that have sat on the panel for years.

While the outcomes of most of Barkat’s plans are unclear, he has garnered some momentum bringing more tourism to Jerusalem, with the city on target to hit 3 million visitors this year, he said.

Barkat is clearly a skilled politician. Olmert used the post as a stepping stone to the Prime Minister’s Office, but when asked on whether Barkat has similar aspirations, he said, “I have Jerusalem on my forehead.” Skilled politicians know to always express excitement and enthusiasm for their current post and reject the assertion that they are seeking a higher office, and Barkat’s response indicates that he knows how to obfuscate and manipulate just like a true politician.

The biggest impact on Barkat’s future is probably, though, out of his hands.The future of a unified or divided Jerusalem will not be impacted by French residents, booming business or embracing local leadership. The Prime Minister’s Office, the Palestinian Authority leadership and (whether you like it or not) the White House all hope to determine the future of the city by the end of Barkat’s first term in office through the completion of a two state solution agreement. The peace process will inevitably address Jerusalem, and Palestinians are unlikely to make concessions to locate their capital elsewhere. Conversely, many Israelis are calling for a divided city and international stakeholders have suggested several strategies to split municipality control.

Barkat’s efforts to revitalize Israel’s capital are commendable, but eventually he might be forced to suppress his dissent and face the stark reality that his town has just been divided over is objections.

 

Author

Ben Moscovitch

Ben Moscovitch is a Washington D.C.-based political reporter and has covered Congress, homeland security, and health care. He completed an intensive two-year Master's in Middle Eastern History program at Tel Aviv University, where he wrote his thesis on the roots of Palestinian democratic reforms. Ben graduated from Georgetown University with a BA in English Literature. He currently resides in Washington, D.C. Twitter follow: @benmoscovitch

Areas of Focus:
Middle East; Israel-Palestine; Politics

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