Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas officially started his North American publicity campaign for statehood by publishing an editorial in yesterday’s New York Times. It was only a matter of time until something like this ran in a major American newspaper or magazine. While some of his arguments such as the pains of being stateless can be empathized with, the PA leader’s words come up short. Abbas’s attempt to garner sympathy through the use of the Palestinian narrative, while attempting to totally discredit Israel, is neither original nor convincing. It is a tactic that has been played out. However, his account of the past is not necessarily what makes his article so empty. There is one simple reason Abbas’s piece is void of substance, Hamas. Which he coincidentally makes no mention of.
If Hamas is not willing to recognize Israel unconditionally and renounce violence, this “reconciliation” and attempt at statehood (or even if statehood is achieved) will have been for nothing, because it will eventually come tumbling down. If Hamas cannot drastically reform it will inevitably provoke a war with Israel and things will revert to the pre-Palestinian state period; or they will instigate a civil war with Fatah when they are unable to share power and unable to agree on the virtues and principles of the state. The two sides will not be able to hide their differences on the relationship between religion and the state for too long. What will happen when a group of Hamas thugs murder a Fatah member for a supposed insult to Islam, or they attack a woman for smoking nargilah in public? For those of you that don’t remember, Hamas doesn’t let women smoke water pipes, amongst other things.
I want to address the part in which Abbas cites statehood approval by the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and European Union. I recently quoted an article by Patrick Clawson and Michael Sing of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy in which they argued that the Palestinians are not ready to declare statehood and that evidence cited by the World Bank and IMF only take in to account some basic economic factors. As they rightly point out it takes more than just economics to build a functioning state. Additionally, a significant portion of the economic success in the West Bank is facilitated by Israel. I wonder how Hamas feels about that? Hamas and Fatah, according to Clawson and Singh are in different worlds economically, “[Hamas’s] methods of taxation and expenditure are exactly the opposite of what the IMF recommends: they are not transparent, not conducted in line with a budget, not accompanied by financial statements, and not tightly controlled or prioritized.” Finally, approval for statehood was given to the West Bank, not Gaza. If the IMF re-evaluated the Palestinian state to include Gaza, I am confident that its previous findings would no longer hold up.
Everyone wants a Palestinian state, myself included. But, it has to be one that is realistic and can provide stability for both its people and for Israel. As Abbas already knows, whether he is willing to admit it or not, both are highly unlikely with Hamas in the fold. They are unwilling to reform and will likely create a Palestinian implosion a la 2007. While I want to sympathize with and support Mr. Abbas, I cannot because he is once again lying to himself about the realities on the ground and for the future. You can read his op-ed piece below:
The following was written by Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas for the New York Times:
SIXTY-THREE years ago, a 13-year-old Palestinian boy was forced to leave his home in the Galilean city of Safed and flee with his family to Syria. He took up shelter in a canvas tent provided to all the arriving refugees. Though he and his family wished for decades to return to their home and homeland, they were denied that most basic of human rights. That child’s story, like that of so many other Palestinians, is mine.
This month, however, as we commemorate another year of our expulsion — which we call the nakba, or catastrophe — the Palestinian people have cause for hope: this September, at the United Nations General Assembly, we will request international recognition of the State of Palestine on the 1967 border and that our state be admitted as a full member of the United Nations.
Many are questioning what value there is to such recognition while the Israeli occupation continues. Others have accused us of imperiling the peace process. We believe, however, that there is tremendous value for all Palestinians — those living in the homeland, in exile and under occupation.
It is important to note that the last time the question of Palestinian statehood took center stage at the General Assembly, the question posed to the international community was whether our homeland should be partitioned into two states. In November 1947, the General Assembly made its recommendation and answered in the affirmative. Shortly thereafter, Zionist forces expelled Palestinian Arabs to ensure a decisive Jewish majority in the future state of Israel, and Arab armies intervened. War and further expulsions ensued. Indeed, it was the descendants of these expelled Palestinians who were shot and wounded by Israeli forces on Sunday as they tried to symbolically exercise their right to return to their families’ homes.
Minutes after the State of Israel was established on May 14, 1948, the United States granted it recognition. Our Palestinian state, however, remains a promise unfulfilled.
Palestine’s admission to the United Nations would pave the way for the internationalization of the conflict as a legal matter, not only a political one. It would also pave the way for us to pursue claims against Israel at the United Nations, human rights treaty bodies and the International Court of Justice.
Our quest for recognition as a state should not be seen as a stunt; too many of our men and women have been lost for us to engage in such political theater. We go to the United Nations now to secure the right to live free in the remaining 22 percent of our historic homeland because we have been negotiating with the State of Israel for 20 years without coming any closer to realizing a state of our own. We cannot wait indefinitely while Israel continues to send more settlers to the occupied West Bank and denies Palestinians access to most of our land and holy places, particularly in Jerusalem. Neither political pressure nor promises of rewards by the United States have stopped Israel’s settlement program.
Negotiations remain our first option, but due to their failure we are now compelled to turn to the international community to assist us in preserving the opportunity for a peaceful and just end to the conflict. Palestinian national unity is a key step in this regard. Contrary to what Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel asserts, and can be expected to repeat this week during his visit to Washington, the choice is not between Palestinian unity or peace with Israel; it is between a two-state solution or settlement-colonies.
Despite Israel’s attempt to deny us our long-awaited membership in the community of nations, we have met all prerequisites to statehood listed in the Montevideo Convention, the 1933 treaty that sets out the rights and duties of states. The permanent population of our land is the Palestinian people, whose right to self-determination has been repeatedly recognized by the United Nations, and by the International Court of Justice in 2004. Our territory is recognized as the lands framed by the 1967 border, though it is occupied by Israel.
We have the capacity to enter into relations with other states and have embassies and missions in more than 100 countries. The World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the European Union have indicated that our institutions are developed to the level where we are now prepared for statehood. Only the occupation of our land hinders us from reaching our full national potential; it does not impede United Nations recognition.
The State of Palestine intends to be a peace-loving nation, committed to human rights, democracy, the rule of law and the principles of the United Nations Charter. Once admitted to the United Nations, our state stands ready to negotiate all core issues of the conflict with Israel. A key focus of negotiations will be reaching a just solution for Palestinian refugees based on Resolution 194, which the General Assembly passed in 1948.
Palestine would be negotiating from the position of one United Nations member whose territory is militarily occupied by another, however, and not as a vanquished people ready to accept whatever terms are put in front of us.
We call on all friendly, peace-loving nations to join us in realizing our national aspirations by recognizing the State of Palestine on the 1967 border and by supporting its admission to the United Nations. Only if the international community keeps the promise it made to us six decades ago, and ensures that a just resolution for Palestinian refugees is put into effect, can there be a future of hope and dignity for our people.
